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Wartime Russia has seen an unprecedented wave of political arrests. It has included the routing of the political clan of the once-powerful former Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu; the detentions of dozens of regional officials, up to and including deputy governors; the suicide of a federal minister who was facing jail; and arrests of high-ranking judges, according to Moscow Times. This wave has been accompanied by a massive program of asset confiscations, which has sent a chill through those with high-level contacts who once believed they were protected.
In other words, the system is being reforged amid the fires of war. And the arrests and confiscations show no sign of dying down. On the contrary: while President Vladimir Putin is preoccupied with the battlefield, the regime requires resources to continue prosecuting the war and token displays of justice.
It’s customary in some quarters to attribute the rise in the number of such arrests to the personal ambition of individual security officers. To some extent this is true: after all, it’s the job of a security official to put people behind bars, and their success is judged according to the number of arrests and the volume of assets seized, Moscow Times says.
For a long time, the major constraint on the security agencies was the memory of Soviet-era repression among the elite, and a belief that giving the security forces too much power could make the system dangerously imbalanced. Even in the last years of prewar Putinism, close allies of the Russian leader well understood that empowering the security forces was something that could rebound on them.
As a result, for many years, Russia’s security agencies tracked huge numbers of people and compiled fat dossiers, but made arrests very selectively. The arrests that did take place tended to arise from major federal or regional conflicts or as part of treason cases. But their relative rarity meant most officials felt safe. In a crisis, the existence of so-called telephone justice meant that those who found themselves targeted could count on the intervention of their bosses, political patrons, or business partners, Moscow Times claims.
Now, however, the absence of political guardrails has become the norm. And on top of their new vulnerability, Russia’s bureaucrats also have to deal with the fallout from the war. While there has been no letup in corruption, conflicts remain, and the state is desperate to mobilize its resources in order to survive this period of geopolitical tensions.
Unsurprisingly, this has all been accompanied by a mass nationalization of private assets. The process is generally driven by security officers trying to impress their bosses. An enormous number of assets are at risk. In particular, prosecutors are drawn to assets owned by those living abroad, or those critical of the regime or the war in Ukraine. Even relatively senior regional officials have found themselves targeted via asset confiscations, such as the former deputy governor of the Sverdlovsk region, Oleg Chemezov. Often such seizures are legalized through allegations of corruption and no one in Moscow will risk incriminating themselves by standing up for a regional bureaucrat entangled in corruption allegations.
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