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There are plenty of people among the Russian elite who would like to overthrow dictator Vladimir Putin , but external factors must be created to achieve this. Former State Duma deputy Maria Maksakova discussed this in a chat on Glavred. According to her, the Russian elite faces a dilemma: to overthrow Putin themselves, thereby finding some concessions for themselves. "After all, they are all criminals, but Putin’s elimination by his entourage might have mitigated the punishment for those who free the world from the ghoul. Perhaps this proposal should have been formalized somehow," she noted. Maksakova believes that a billion or five to ten billion should have been appointed "for Putin’s head." "I think private military companies around the world would be developing plans, trying to outdo each other and do good for the world, and get a large financial boost. The mechanisms needed to be more clearly spelled out, rather than presented as a joke, so that whoever took it on would understand the outcome," the former State Duma deputy emphasized. Moreover, in her opinion, the elite is full of renegades and those who would like to hand over Putin. "What external factors would need to be created for this is a question for the intelligence agencies. I think such developments do exist. This would be the shortest route," the public figure concluded. The Kremlin’s war against Ukraine has already continued longer than the Russian Empire’s involvement in World War I, which was a central cause of its collapse in 1917. Exhaustion and anger about World War I led many elite groups to demand and support the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II in March 1917. The resulting provisional government’s inability to bring the war to an end catalyzed the Bolshevik Revolution in November 1917, followed by the Russian Civil War, which ended on the European front when the last ship carrying the survivors of the White Armies left Sevastopol on November 16, 1920. hese historical comparisons raise the possibility that some present-day elite groupings may internalize the strong preference for ending the war in Russian society and act as promoters of a peace deal . The elite group that Putin needs to worry most about is the politicians, generals, and business leaders in their early 60s, such as Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin or the Federal Security Service (FSB) Deputy Director Sergei Korolev, who are still subordinated to Putin’s old cronies. This group is wise not to question Putin’s opinions, but has no stakes in the war he has made, and is very aware of its costs and the damage done to Russia’s economy. Corruption is a natural environment for these veterans of many crises, but sanctions punish them and prevent them from having access to assets accumulated in former Western “safe havens”. Putin’s war against Ukraine aggravates tensions between various and typically disunited elite groups in Russia. They might find a common interest in promoting, with all possible caution, however, the prospect of ending it. The underachievers in their early 60s, most of whom have family ties to old Soviet nomenklatura, may have a different sense of history than Putin, who is obsessed with reasserting dominance over Ukraine, and can be wary about new “times of troubles.” The younger “aristocracy” may have scant understanding of the war-tiredness in the general populace, but they resent the “heroes” whom Putin promotes as the “new elite.” The only cohort that appears to be committed to Putin’s war is his shrinking circle of aging courtiers, who see the risks of staying the course as lesser than those of ending it. They live—together with the lonely autocrat—in the past and are deaf to the lessons of history, which have unpredictable means of punishing such ignorance.
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