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Agents of the Atesh movement held another protest in the heart of Russia – St. Petersburg. According to the underground, participants distributed hundreds of leaflets in various parts of the city, including metro stations, bus stops, and central streets. They contained calls to join the resistance movement and fight against Putin’s regime.
Despite increased patrols and a dense network of surveillance cameras, the operation was a success. Activists noted that interest in the resistance in Russia is growing , especially against the backdrop of the worsening economic situation and growing discontent with the war in Ukraine. According to Atesh representatives, even in traditionally loyal cities like St. Petersburg, more and more citizens are expressing fatigue with the Kremlin’s repression and lies – dissatisfaction with the regime is growing . The movement emphasizes that every piece of information transmitted about military installations, troop movements, or any other actions by Russian forces helps Ukraine and brings the regime’s fall closer.
Experts says that from a psychological perspective, the Putin regime has thus far been successful in maintaining support for the war among most Russians. Experts point out that one of the Kremlin’s levers of societal control is the exploitation of fear, not only fear of repression but also fear of Russia’s destruction should the regime fall. Russian expert Fiona Hill has noted that “Putin is a master at manipulating fear.” Having unleashed the war, he “heightened the fear of a literal end of the world due to a nuclear cataclysm”. The Putin regime’s ideal “formula for societal control” has three components: exploiting fear of an external threat; maintaining a certain comfort level, thus making it possible to adapt to war conditions without much effort; and scoring new victories as a means of partially neutralizing fear so domestic anxieties do not threaten the regime. The developments in the Kursk region have only partially affected the second component of this formula and jeopardized the third, which contributed to the drop in Putin’s rating. For the overwhelming majority of Russians, the first two components—fear of an external threat and the ability to adapt to it—have not fundamentally changed. Nevertheless, to prevent further loss of confidence and the destruction of basic support for the regime, Putin faces a rather difficult task: to demonstrate in the near future new military victories and avoid bringing a larger portion of Russian society into the war. In some ways, the ongoing Russian offensive in the Pokrovsk direction is meant to deliver some political capital to Putin’s Kremlin, though Moscow will need more. Now, Russian military and political strategists are searching frantically for ways to solve this problem.
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